In the following interview with FCR reporter Eugenia Yun, Speaker Chang discusses issues of concern not only to the Taipei City Council but to all major organs of local government in Taiwan today.
FCR: Our country has implemented local self-Government for over 40 years, with rather impressive results. But there is still a long way to go to reach the ideal of "power distribution between the central government and the local governments" as indicated in the Constitution. What are the difficulties we are facing now, and what are the solutions?
Chang: Up to now, our country's system of local self-government has been based on the Executive Yuan's "Outline for Implementation of Local Self-Government in Taiwan Province." In certain circumstances, the power of the central government and that of local governments overlap, so sometimes it is confusing when determining what sort of matters have to be reported to the central government and what do not.
The ultimate source of the trouble is the lack of a local self-government law. People might argue that even after such a law is established, there will still be the problem of overlapping power between the central government and local governments. But this is unavoidable throughout the world. Even the U.S. is no exception. Its federal government and state governments are from time to time involved in disputes, and of course the independence of the state governments is by no means without limitation. But a local self-government law can help clarify the distribution of power. The existing "Guidelines" is thus an indication of the degree of centralization in Taiwan.
Take the problem of local government organization, for example. Currently the Executive Yuan has the authority to approve how many positions should be assigned to a certain department of the Taipei City Government. But it is within the authority of the City Council to review the budget of the City Government. If the Executive Yuan has assigned 700 positions, the Council really has no choice but to agree to pay for them all. But if it should happen that the City Council has only approved the budget for, say, 500 positions, the City Government will report this to the Executive Yuan, who will then make the final decision. If a clear local self-government law were enacted by the Legislative Yuan, the City Council could then decide the organization of the City Government itself.
Recently, the issue of charging the "Construction Beneficiary Fee" has caused heated discussion in the City Council. The City Council refused to approve collection of the fee, because Taipei citizens do not profit from new construction projects. In fact, opening a new road in municipal Taipei will cause a drop in land prices in districts located by the road, in contrast to most other areas of the province where land prices rise when a new road is opened. Following the Council's refusal, the Ministry of the Interior held several meetings with the Taiwan Provincial Government, after which it decided to uphold the original policy of charging the fee. After being rejected again by the Taipei City Council, the issue was sent to the Legislative Yuan. This is a good example of how centralization is confronting the challenge of decentralization.
Another case in point is the Taipei City Council resolution to rent advertising space on the outside of city buses as a source of revenue [annually NT$50-60 million], to help make up for the NT$2 billion annual deficit of the Taipei City Bus Department. When the resolution was sent to the Ministry of Communications, it was turned down, because the Ministry was concerned that these eye-catching ads placed outside the buses might distract pedestrians. At last, the City Council convinced the Ministry by pointing out that advanced countries have also approved such methods without experiencing any resulting increase in the number of traffic accidents. Although the final decision was in the City Council's favor, it still didn't clarify the question of whether it is the local agency or the central-level agency that has the authority to decide a local issue.
Lacking a local self-government law, our local governments will always be like "lame ducks." Drafting this law is the key to reaching true democracy and the solution to all these difficulties.
FCR: Taipei has enjoyed special municipality status for 20 years. What is your evaluation of the City Council? Has it played the role of watchdog for the city government?
Chang: The powers of the Taipei City Council are to review the budget, to deliberate local statutes, and "to interpellate" [a formal questioning procedure] the city's administration. The general budget of the city has grown rapidly from NT$2 billion to NT$73 billion within the past 20 years [the latter figure is slightly over US$2.5 billion]. This does not include the even faster growing supplementary additional budget. Within the last 20 years, Taipei has turned into an international metropolis. It is not just that its problems have increased, but also that these problems are on a wholly different level.
In the past, traffic was chaotic because of the lack of an adequate traffic control system. Now there are just too many motor vehicles, and the major traffic problems are the lack of parking space, serious air pollution, and much more. Another serious problem has been flooding in the Taipei basin. The usual solution of building more and higher dikes seems unable to relieve the problem, because if you stop the water in one place, it is only diverted and floods somewhere else. Taipei has been fighting against these problems, but has not rooted them out.
But Taipei is making progress. To solve the traffic problem, the Department of Mass Rapid Transit Systems was established in February 1987. Engineering work for the MRT system is designed to link neighboring districts, and eventually it will extend to a length of 108.8 kilometers. By that time, citizens will be able to save considerable time and effort when moving about the city. To solve the flooding problem, the City Government has been active in the construction of a rainwater drainage system. So far 90 percent of the system has been completed. A plan for implementation of flood control measures in the Taipei area has also been worked out, under which the heightening, construction, and reconstruction of dikes has been undertaken, with 79 percent completed to date.
In addition, the Taipei City Council has contributed to the enhancement of popular participation in the city's development, and to the building up of international relationships on a city-to-city and people-to-people basis. Taipei already has 28 sister cities, with 10 of them in the U.S. Indeed, Taipei has played an important role in civilian diplomacy. When foreigners visit Taipei, the City is certainly the host; but when they visit Taiwan, the city is still at least "half host."
The City Council in fact oversees the City Government. It controls the budget of the city, and it works for the benefit of the citizens. It has played well the role of a representative body in a democratic country.
FCR: Do you support popular election of the Taipei mayor? What is the majority opinion of the City Council? If popular election of the mayor is approved, will you run in the election campaign?
Chang: Democracy is achieved step by step. If a "Local Self-Government Law" can be instituted, the mayor or other local officials should be elected through direct suffrage. This is the natural trend.
Some people feel that it doesn't matter whether the Taipei mayor is appointed or elected. What counts is that he is a good one. Nevertheless, appointing this position is not in tune with the spirit of democracy. Some other people think that we should adopt the method used in the selection of the Provincial Governor—the appointment has to be approved by the Provincial Assembly. This has merit, but it is still indirect democracy. Most of my colleagues and I support popular election of the mayors of both municipalities, Taipei and Kaohsiung. We can experiment with direct democracy in these two cities. I believe that an elected person will be more influential in deciding critical issues.
In answer to whether I would run for the position of mayor if Taipei City were to hold popular elections, I do not have a strong interest in running. I have been a member of the Council for over 19 years. I feel that someone younger should take my place now. Our society is changing rapidly and young people can learn faster. And in any case, I'm tired of the daily routine. I would like to continue my political career in the central government, having more of a hand in policymaking.
FCR: A few minutes ago you said that the city budget for Fiscal Year 1988 was approximately NT$73 billion. How is the budget distributed? And how does the Taipei City Council deliberate budgetary bills to enhance the development of the city?
Chang: The business tax is the primary source of the city tax revenue. It made up 45 percent of revenues last year. The land tax is the second main source of city tax revenue, making up 33 percent last year. And the housing tax also accounts for a high percentage. Then there are property taxes and all sorts of fees. Plus, there is the national tax revenue, part of which is distributed to each local government.
For the last few years, these monies have been spent as follows: the educational budget composes the highest percentage, over one-third of the total; the budget for the construction of roads, bridges, waterways, and so forth composes almost one-third; and the remaining one-third is spent on social security, social welfare, environmental protection, and cultural activities.
Unlike the Legislative Yuan, which deliberates the general principles of the budget, local councils usually deliberate local government budgets item by item. Of course, it is our responsibility to watch carefully "the purse of the citizens." But sometimes, things go too far. An ancient fable rightly says that "We should look at the entire forest rather than just a single log." I mean, what's important is to make sure that the city government does not present a budget without good grounds.
FCR: Can you describe party operations in the City Council?
Chang: For the time being, among the 48 Council members, 36 are from the Kuomintang, 10 are from the "Democratic Progressive Party," and 2 belong to neither party. Obviously, the KMT is the majority group.
The golden rule of democracy is that "The minority obeys the majority and the latter respects the former." I agree that the minority can express their ideas as much as they wish. Let them talk! Don't seal their mouths! However, politics itself is an art of compromise. Eventually, for settling issues, things will have to be put to a vote. Although the minority group always tries to stop the voting or even stages group walkouts in protest, voting is still the fairest way to reach a decision.
FCR: As the Council's leader, you must adopt a neutral stance. And as a Council member who represents a certain area or party, you should speak for the interest of the area or the party. Do you find it difficult to balance these roles?
Chang: The role of the Speaker is actually more that of a peacemaker than of a leader. The city government adopts the bureaucratic model that superiors give orders and subordinates obey them and carry them out, while the city council adopts the political model that all members are equal, and that each one has a duty to strive for the benefit of his own area or party. What is of benefit to my area may be anathema to another area. For sure, there will be confrontation. It's thus a question of escalating it or deescalating it. There is no way to get rid of it. The leader of the council is the referee of the confrontation. His duty is to urge every member to play according to the rules of the game. Only when two sides get an equal number of votes can the leader vote to settle the issue. However, no such case has occurred during my 12 years as Deputy Speaker and over 7 years as Speaker.
FCR: How would you suggest improving the practice of local self-government?
Chang: Nowadays local councils can only propose bills to the local governments. These governments are not always willing to carry them out—they sometimes prefer to let the central government take the responsibility.
In our age, governments are the real public servants. The people get richer and richer, but the government gets poorer and poorer. The people want more and more. They want parking lots, garbage dumping areas. They want environmental protection. They want everything. The only thing they don't want is to increase taxes. The people have a lot of power now, but the government does not have enough efficiency.
But if the "Local Self-Government Law" can be passed, local councils will have to approve the budget after they pass a bill or an act. In this way, local government will have to take the responsibility of carrying out the bill or the act. Thus the people have the power, local governments have the efficiency, and local councils can better perform their function of checks-and-balances between the government and the people.
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Background: Taipei City
History:
Though Taipei has a history of more than 200 years, it was not formally declared a city until 1920. After Japan returned Taiwan to the Republic of China at the end of the Second World War in 1945, Taipei was placed under the jurisdiction of the Taiwan Provincial Government. When the central government moved from Nanking to Taipei, the city became the provisional capital of the Republic of China. Since then, the city has developed into the ROC's political, economic, and cultural center. To meet the requirements of development, the central government in 1967 placed the city under the direct jurisdiction of the Executive Yuan.
Geography:
Taipei City is situated at the center of the Taipei basin in northern Taiwan. Topographically, the Taipei area is hilly in the southeast and comparatively flat in the northwest. The Tamsui, Hsintien, and Keelung Rivers flow through or around the city. Tatunshan (Mt. Tatun) and Yangmingshan form a backdrop to the northeast. These two elevated areas make up the most scenic part of the environs of Taipei.
Area:
When the city was formally established in 1920, its area was small. In 1932, it was expanded to 25.86 square miles. When it was elevated to its present status in July 1967, its area was increased to 105.08 square miles.
Administrative Districts:
On July 1, 1968, Shihlin and Peitou, which were originally under the jurisdiction of the Yangmingshan Administration, and Neihu, Nankang, Mucha, and Chingmei, which were a part of Taipei County, were incorporated into Taipei City and their status was changed from hsiang or chen (township) to chu (district). At that time Taipei had 16 chu, 608 li (neighborhoods), and 10,160 lin (community units within neighborhoods). These administrative districts were readjusted several times. By the end of 1987, Taipei had 16 chu, 630 li, and 16,894 lin.
Population:
In 1949, Taipei had a population of 480,000. After it was elevated to a special municipality, its area was expanded and the population increased to 1,560,000. The total passed the 2 million mark in 1974, and reached 2,575,180 by the end of 1987.
City Council:
The first Taipei City Council was established in November 1950 in an election held in keeping with the "Outline for Implementation of Local Self-Government in Taiwan Province." By July 1967, the city had attained special municipality status, and a provisional city council was organized. After the granting of municipal status, the first formal Taipei City Council was established on December 25, 1969.
City Government:
The mayor of the City Government is directed and supervised by the Cabinet. Until the self-government law for cities under the direct jurisdiction of the Cabinet is promulgated, the mayor will continue to be appointed and to be liable to dismissal by the Cabinet.
The City Government is composed of 18 departments, covering civil affairs, finance, education, construction, public works, social affairs, police, public health, environmental protection, land administration, information, public housing, military service, budgets, accounting and statistics, personnel, rapid transit, engeering, and secretary. And there are also 5 commissions, covering research, development, and evaluation; city planning; petitions and appeals; laws and regulations; and the Feitsui reservoir development project. The City Government also controls the City Bank of Taipei, the Water Department, the Training Center for Civil Servants, and 16 district offices.